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In Gaza, lives shaped by drones

GAZA CITY — The buzz began near midnight on a cool evening last month, a dull distantpurr that within moments swelled into the rattling sound of an outboard motor common on the fishing boats working just offshore.

At a busy downtown traffic circle not far from the dormant port, a pickup truck full of police pulled up abruptly. The half-dozen men spilled into the streets

Video



This a third-party video that has not been independently verified by The Washington Post.

“Inside, inside,” the officers, all of them bearded in the style favored by the Hamas movement that runs Gaza, urged passersby. Then, pointing to the sky, one muttered, “Zenana, zenana.”

The word is the Arabic term that Gazans have given to Israel’s drone aircraft, a ubiquitous and frightening feature of daily life in this crowded strip of land along the sea. Roughly translated, zenana means buzz. But in neighboring Egypt, a source of Gaza custom and culture, the term is slang used to describe a relentlessly nagging wife.

The light-hearted description belies the drones’ jarring effect on life in Gaza, where 1.6 million Palestinians live in cramped refugee camps, breeze-block houses and high-rise apartments built among olive orchards, palm groves and rolling dunes.

The landscape provides cover for Palestinian militants, who in recent years have fired thousands of rockets — some improvised, some military-grade — into Israel’s besieged southern towns and cities. In the call-and-response conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, the missile fire has repeatedly provoked Israel to invade, its tanks and troops ebbing and flowing from the strip’s broken streets.

But the most enduring reminder of Israel’s unblinking vigilance and its unfettered power to strike at a moment’s notice is the buzz of circling drones — a soundtrack also provided by American drones over Pakistan’s tribal areas and, increasingly, parts of East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula.

The U.S. drone war is largely invisible, carried out in remote regions sometimes beyond the boundaries of America’s battlefields. U.S. officials are reticent to discuss the program, which President Obama has relied on more than his predecessor to kill enemies. Israel’s close-quarters conflict with Palestinians in the relatively accessible Gaza Strip offers a vivid view of the remote-controlled combat, and of the lives of those affected by these tools of modern war.

Israel withdrew its soldiers and settlers from Gaza in the summer of 2005, ending a nearly 40-year presence in a territory its forces occupied in the 1967 Middle East War. In 2006 Hamas gunmen captured the Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit just outside Gaza’s fortified boundary, and since then, Israel has stepped up military operations and aerial surveillance in the strip.

The Palestinian Center for Human Rights says 825 people have been killed by drones in Gaza since the capture of Shalit, who was released in October. Most of those killed, according to the organization, have been civilians mistakenly targeted or caught in the deadly shrapnel shower of a drone strike. By comparison, the New America Foundationsays U.S. drones have killed at least 1,807 militants and civilians in Pakistan since 2006.

The Israeli military says it works hard to distinguish between militants and civilians, but that the task is made harder because many of those who fire rockets from Gaza operate amid the fields and houses of residential neighborhoods.

Since 2006, Palestinian rocket fire has killed 16 Israelis, the vast majority of them civilians, including 56-year-old Moshe Ami, who died in a late October rocket strike on the Israeli coastal city of Ashkelon. As the Palestinian rocket arsenal improves, more Israeli cities, from the border town of Sderot to the southern suburbs of Tel Aviv, are sharing Gazans’ everyday fear of attack from the sky.

Across northern Gaza, the response to the arrival of drones overhead is swift and, for some, almost involuntary. Their near-constant presence shapes life beneath them in a thousand ways — from how Islamist militants communicate to the color of exercise clothes chosen for a morning jog to the quality of satellite-television reception.

When the buzz begins, an unemployed tailor in the hilltop village of Ezret Abed Rabbo walks to his window and opens it — one, then another, until the glass in all of them is safe from what he expects to be an imminent blast. The most recent rocked the area in late October when Israel respondedwith drones and F-16s to the attack on Ashkelon, killing nine Palestinian militants.

“For us, drones mean death,” said Hamdi Shaqqura, a deputy director of the human rights center. “When you hear drones, you hear death.”

Cradle of the drone

About 30 miles north of Gaza, on the edges of Israel’s Ben Gurion International Airport, lies the cradle of the modern drone, a series of cavernous hangars and modest office buildings.

This is the well-guarded campus of Israel Aerospace Industries, a government-owned enterprise that for four decades has been a pioneer in the development of remotely piloted vehicles. One of the drone’s fathers is Shlomo Tsach, the company’s director of advanced programs.

Tsach was part of a small group that created the first surveillance drone in the bitter aftermath of Israel’s 1973 war with Egypt and Syria, where early intelligence failures and battlefield setbacks gave way to a lesson-filled Israeli victory.

Among those lessons was the danger posed to Israeli forces by a lack of real-time intelligence. Israel could not track Egypt’s mobile surface-to-air missile sites, leaving pilots and tank commanders with worthless days-old information on their locations. Tsach recalled a single searing day when Israel lost dozens of planes to anti-aircraft fire.

Before the war was over, Tsach and his crew, working around the clock, had developed a remotely piloted decoy aircraft to draw enemy fire.

Photos from the time show a group of shaggy scientists posing with a small red model aircraft, the decoy that would evolve into the drones of today. Among them was Abe Kerem, who later helped pioneer what became the armed Predator drone used by the United States.

“We tested a lot of very interesting things, but not all of them went up,” Tsach recalled.

By the time Israeli forces pushed into southern Lebanon in 1982, Tsach and his colleagues had developed the Scout, the first unmanned aerial vehicle used on the battlefield. The 120-pound drone could see over hilltops to track mobile artillery, surface-to-air missile batteries and troop movements. Israeli losses diminished significantly.

Not long after the invasion, a group of officers from the U.S. Navy and Marine Corps arrived at the IAI headquarters to talk about drones. The visit marked the beginning of a long collaboration on drone technology between Israeli and U.S. officials, which in recent years has also become highly competitive as companies from the two countries vie for the world’s rapidly growing drone business.

“The United States was not in conflict at the time,” said Tommy Silberring, a retired Israeli colonel who heads IAI’s drone division. “So a lot of the battlefield experience came from here.”

Tsach recalled that “in 1974, when we created the market for drones, no one else wanted it.” Now the IAI hangars are filled with drones of various shapes and sizes — from the Heron TP with a wingspan the size of a Boeing 737’s to the Bird-Eye 65o, which fits in a soldier’s backpack and can be flown from a laptop or smartphone.

Some stay airborne for as long as 40 hours, at altitudes as high as 40,000 feet, while others are tethered to the ground, plugged into an electrical outlet to hover endlessly above any area Israel wants watched. Flying one is as easy as pointing and clicking a mouse on an electronic map, which sends the drone to the spot and instructs it to circle overhead.

Surveillance drones then watch and track, either during the day or at night with heat-detecting radar, or “paint” targets with a laser for F-16 and Apache missile strikes. Armed drones, which Israel, like the United States, keeps away from public view, are fitted with specialized missiles that can be guided by the drone’s own on-board sensors.

“I can see if your car is hot that you were just driving it, if you are smoking a cigarette,” said Lt. Col. R, commander of the drone squadron that flies over Gaza, who spoke on the condition that his full name not be used.

The officer has moved through different parts of the Israel Defense Forces — infantry, helicopters — but he said the drone program is now a highly sought-after branch. “It is the future,” he said, “there is no doubt about that.”

His drones take off from a runway shared with Apache helicopters at the Palmachim Air Force Base along the coast south of Tel Aviv, a site seemingly more suited to a Mediterranean resort than a military installation. A minutes-long flight takes them over Gaza, where they train, test and carry out a growing list of missions.

“The main idea is you tell me what to look for, and I’ll tell you what I see,” he said. “Because Gaza is a very dense urban environment, with civilians and terrorists mixed together, the only way to differentiate is by looking. And this is up to us to do that.”

Fathers and sons

The farming town of Beit Lahiya is a few miles of rough road north of Gaza City, through the trash-strewn streets of the beach camp, a U.N.-run refugee enclave, where on a blustery recent morning fishermen mended nets along the sidewalk.

A new mosque rises on a spit of land above a storm-tossed Mediterranean Sea, a mix of dark blues and greens. Small boys kicked a soccer ball along the dirt roadside, near the burned remnants of a police post bombed days earlier by Israeli military aircraft in retaliation for late-evening rocket fire. A distant Israeli F-16 rumbled overhead.

Gazans use a quick calculus to assess an attack: A destroyed building, such as the small police post, is the result of an F-16. A strike on a sedan, or a group of men clustered at an intersection, is the work of a drone.

Nabil al-Amassi, a mechanic, watched in the summer of 2006 as Israeli tanks rolled into Beit Lahiya in an operation designed to pressure the Hamas leadership to release Shalit in the days following his capture.

A half-dozen armed men stood at the bottom of his sandy street when, suddenly, the drone buzzing above fired. Three of them were killed, including one whose armless torso was carried by screaming survivors from the scene, observed also by a Washington Post correspondent.

That was the start of Amassi’s close relationship with drones. Nearly every day since then, at least one, and sometimes several, have circled above him.

“It’s continuous, watching us, especially at night,” said Amassi, a father of eight children. “You can’t sleep. You can’t watch television. It frightens the kids. When they hear it, they say, ‘It is going to hit us.’ ”

Among his children is Ahmed, a leery 3-year-old who patrols the street in a tiny track suit on fast-moving legs. When he hears the drone arrive, often in the early evening, Ahmed runs to his father and sits deep in his lap, frightened.

“We try to tell them it’s fireworks,” Amassi said.

Two streets away, not far from a grove of olive trees used in the past by Palestinian gunmen to fire rockets into Israel, Naim Dawoud worries about his 27-year-old son Walid.

Gazan men in their mid-20s face twin perils: They draw attention from Islamist militant groups seeking new recruits and from Israeli drones, whose operators seek out Palestinians who have joined the fight.

Short with a stubbly beard, Walid said that when his car breaks down with a drone overhead he leaves it rather than wait for other young men to gather and help.

“These drones — they don’t always know,” he said. “At night, if I hear one, I’ll cancel my plans to see friends. It’s easy — if one is above me, I won’t go out.”

The school on the hill

The Qasteen School sits on a sandy hilltop, a four-story building surrounding a broad courtyard. Murals of a smiling tooth promote dental hygiene, and in the near distance, the bombed-out Palestinian intelligence headquarters looms as a reminder of the dangers outside the campus walls.

In a second-story classroom, Hamza Abu Sultan, a small seventh-grader in a camouflage coat, raised his hand to describe the class reaction to the buzz.

“We feel tense,” he said. “We start to think about when it will hit. We start to think we are somewhere else — no longer in class.”

Ismail Ramadan, the school’s 40-year-old principal, has brought in psychiatrists several times a week to calm the children and explain that the sound of the drones does not mean war is imminent. International charitable organizations partially fund the effort to ease the children’s anxiety.

“They hear the sound and they hold their breath,” Ramadan said.

The head of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, Eyad Sarraj, said the drones’ noise is something “you can’t escape.” Whether intentional or not, Sarraj said their constant presence induces a sense of helplessness among Gaza’s residents.

“In the back of the minds of everyone here is fear — from the psychiatrist to the student, a sense that something terrible is going to happen,” Sarraj said. “The drones are part of that story. They are part of the conditioning — every time we hear them, we go back to those events of violence and death.”

Entrepreneur’s challenges

Gaza is divided, not only between Fatah and Hamas, the primary political parties in the Palestinian national movement, but between fans of the European soccer giants FC Barcelona and Real Madrid.

living exploiting this split. He works in the Rannoush sports bar in downtown Gaza City, where patrons pack into the low-ceilinged rooms to sip bitter coffee, smoke water pipes and root for their side in the big games.

None is bigger than “El Clasico,” the Barcelona-Real Madrid match that comes along a few times year. He charges an entrance fee for those games, shown on a handful of high-definition televisions smuggled through the tunnels along Gaza’s southern border with the Sinai. With 220 patrons paying $5 each, the occasions yield a small windfall.

But the take from the November 2010 match was wiped out by a drone, whose looping patrol blurred out much of the match. He reimbursed more than $1,000 in cover charges to a roomful of angry patrons, and since then he has added expensive subscriptions to several other satellite signals. That has done little good. But now Mabrouk can change satellites, flip through channels and show his patrons that he has done all he can. “So at least they know it won’t be better anywhere else,” he said.

His customers still make for the doors at the first telltale signs the picture is fraying, as it did during a recent Chelsea and Liverpool match. For reasons that no one can explain, only Russia Today, an English-language channel promoting Russian views, is resilient enough to survive the drone interference.

“The problem is in the sky,” said Nahed Hammad, who sells satellite dishes from his dimly lit storefront a few doors down, “not in the receiver.”

To some, proof of occupation

Hamdi Shaqqura, the human rights advocate, came downstairs one recent morning in his Gaza apartment to find a note from his daughter, Bisanne, a 22-year-old medical student. She had counted four drones overhead, and she advised her father to skip his morning run.

“But I’m all dressed and I think, ‘I can’t not do this, I can’t change because of this,’ ” Shaqqura recalled. So he set off, only to turn back in fear after about 100 yards, as several drones buzzed above.

“So I get back to my door and I say, ‘Come on, Hamdi, this is Gaza,’ ” he scolded himself, and headed back out. He got as far as he had before when he noticed that, as usual, he was dressed in an all-black track suit — the color of choice for many Palestinian militants. Once again, he headed home, shaking his head at the ridiculousness of the back-and-forth. “It affects every aspect of our lives, all day long,” he said.

For Shaqqura, though, the drones mean something else as well. In his view, they are proof that Israel still legally occupies the strip despite having pulled its soldiers and settlers out.

Israel has argued that it no longer occupies the area, meaning that it is not responsible for the health and welfare of its residents under international humanitarian law. But Israel controls the crossings between Gaza and Israel, the waters off its coast, and the airspace where the drones circle.

“This is the first meaning of the drones,” he said. “Israel’s military may not be on the ground anymore. But they are in the air — looking, always, at every square inch of Gaza. They don’t have to be here in Gaza City to affect every aspect of the lives of Gazans.”

The data collected by the Palestinian Center for Human Rights since the summer of 2006 reflect the up-and-down nature of Israel’s conflict with Gaza. In 2009, the year of the most recent war in Gaza, 315 people were killed in drone strikes, according to the center. The number so far this year is 60.

Abu Ahmed is a nom de guerre, and he operates as much as possible away from the view of Israel’s drones.

His office curtains are drawn on a recent sunny day, his walls decorated with posters celebrating the deaths of Islamic Jihad fighters in combat. A ficus plant adds a bit of life in one corner.

In dealing with Israel’s military, Abu Ahmed abides by a basic rule: The higher-tech Israel goes, the lower-tech go the Islamist movement’s foot soldiers.

“When drones are above us, we must meet face to face,” he said. “We must not drive our own cars or take taxis. So we walk. It is obvious when we are being tracked.”

He lists the different names of Israel’s drones — the Hunter and Heron, among others — and cites their range and maximum altitude. A group within the Islamic Jihad works on collecting such information, although so far that intelligence, along with improved weaponry flowing through Gaza’s southern tunnels, has not bolstered the group’s defense against them.

They have never shot one down.

“We advise the people to think of this voice like the noise of rain, something light and humorous and part of life here,” Abu Ahmed said. “But we don’t have the ability to face these drones. The most important thing we can do is to alert our people that they are in an area and how best to avoid them.’’

He paused, resigned, and added, “We will adapt.”

Staff researcher Julie Tate in Washington contributed to this report.

permalink

In Gaza, lives shaped by drones

GAZA CITY — The buzz began near midnight on a cool evening last month, a dull distantpurr that within moments swelled into the rattling sound of an outboard motor common on the fishing boats working just offshore.

At a busy downtown traffic circle not far from the dormant port, a pickup truck full of police pulled up abruptly. The half-dozen men spilled into the streets.

Video



This a third-party video that has not been independently verified by The Washington Post.

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“Inside, inside,” the officers, all of them bearded in the style favored by the Hamas movement that runs Gaza, urged passersby. Then, pointing to the sky, one muttered, “Zenana, zenana.”

The word is the Arabic term that Gazans have given to Israel’s drone aircraft, a ubiquitous and frightening feature of daily life in this crowded strip of land along the sea. Roughly translated, zenana means buzz. But in neighboring Egypt, a source of Gaza custom and culture, the term is slang used to describe a relentlessly nagging wife.

The light-hearted description belies the drones’ jarring effect on life in Gaza, where 1.6 million Palestinians live in cramped refugee camps, breeze-block houses and high-rise apartments built among olive orchards, palm groves and rolling dunes.

The landscape provides cover for Palestinian militants, who in recent years have fired thousands of rockets — some improvised, some military-grade — into Israel’s besieged southern towns and cities. In the call-and-response conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, the missile fire has repeatedly provoked Israel to invade, its tanks and troops ebbing and flowing from the strip’s broken streets.

But the most enduring reminder of Israel’s unblinking vigilance and its unfettered power to strike at a moment’s notice is the buzz of circling drones — a soundtrack also provided by American drones over Pakistan’s tribal areas and, increasingly, parts of East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula.

The U.S. drone war is largely invisible, carried out in remote regions sometimes beyond the boundaries of America’s battlefields. U.S. officials are reticent to discuss the program, which President Obama has relied on more than his predecessor to kill enemies. Israel’s close-quarters conflict with Palestinians in the relatively accessible Gaza Strip offers a vivid view of the remote-controlled combat, and of the lives of those affected by these tools of modern war.

Israel withdrew its soldiers and settlers from Gaza in the summer of 2005, ending a nearly 40-year presence in a territory its forces occupied in the 1967 Middle East War. In 2006 Hamas gunmen captured the Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit just outside Gaza’s fortified boundary, and since then, Israel has stepped up military operations and aerial surveillance in the strip.

The Palestinian Center for Human Rights says 825 people have been killed by drones in Gaza since the capture of Shalit, who was released in October. Most of those killed, according to the organization, have been civilians mistakenly targeted or caught in the deadly shrapnel shower of a drone strike. By comparison, the New America Foundationsays U.S. drones have killed at least 1,807 militants and civilians in Pakistan since 2006.

The Israeli military says it works hard to distinguish between militants and civilians, but that the task is made harder because many of those who fire rockets from Gaza operate amid the fields and houses of residential neighborhoods.

Since 2006, Palestinian rocket fire has killed 16 Israelis, the vast majority of them civilians, including 56-year-old Moshe Ami, who died in a late October rocket strike on the Israeli coastal city of Ashkelon. As the Palestinian rocket arsenal improves, more Israeli cities, from the border town of Sderot to the southern suburbs of Tel Aviv, are sharing Gazans’ everyday fear of attack from the sky.

Across northern Gaza, the response to the arrival of drones overhead is swift and, for some, almost involuntary. Their near-constant presence shapes life beneath them in a thousand ways — from how Islamist militants communicate to the color of exercise clothes chosen for a morning jog to the quality of satellite-television reception.

When the buzz begins, an unemployed tailor in the hilltop village of Ezret Abed Rabbo walks to his window and opens it — one, then another, until the glass in all of them is safe from what he expects to be an imminent blast. The most recent rocked the area in late October when Israel respondedwith drones and F-16s to the attack on Ashkelon, killing nine Palestinian militants.

“For us, drones mean death,” said Hamdi Shaqqura, a deputy director of the human rights center. “When you hear drones, you hear death.”

Cradle of the drone

About 30 miles north of Gaza, on the edges of Israel’s Ben Gurion International Airport, lies the cradle of the modern drone, a series of cavernous hangars and modest office buildings.

This is the well-guarded campus of Israel Aerospace Industries, a government-owned enterprise that for four decades has been a pioneer in the development of remotely piloted vehicles. One of the drone’s fathers is Shlomo Tsach, the company’s director of advanced programs.

Tsach was part of a small group that created the first surveillance drone in the bitter aftermath of Israel’s 1973 war with Egypt and Syria, where early intelligence failures and battlefield setbacks gave way to a lesson-filled Israeli victory.

Among those lessons was the danger posed to Israeli forces by a lack of real-time intelligence. Israel could not track Egypt’s mobile surface-to-air missile sites, leaving pilots and tank commanders with worthless days-old information on their locations. Tsach recalled a single searing day when Israel lost dozens of planes to anti-aircraft fire.

Before the war was over, Tsach and his crew, working around the clock, had developed a remotely piloted decoy aircraft to draw enemy fire.

Photos from the time show a group of shaggy scientists posing with a small red model aircraft, the decoy that would evolve into the drones of today. Among them was Abe Kerem, who later helped pioneer what became the armed Predator drone used by the United States.

“We tested a lot of very interesting things, but not all of them went up,” Tsach recalled.

By the time Israeli forces pushed into southern Lebanon in 1982, Tsach and his colleagues had developed the Scout, the first unmanned aerial vehicle used on the battlefield. The 120-pound drone could see over hilltops to track mobile artillery, surface-to-air missile batteries and troop movements. Israeli losses diminished significantly.

Not long after the invasion, a group of officers from the U.S. Navy and Marine Corps arrived at the IAI headquarters to talk about drones. The visit marked the beginning of a long collaboration on drone technology between Israeli and U.S. officials, which in recent years has also become highly competitive as companies from the two countries vie for the world’s rapidly growing drone business.

“The United States was not in conflict at the time,” said Tommy Silberring, a retired Israeli colonel who heads IAI’s drone division. “So a lot of the battlefield experience came from here.”

Tsach recalled that “in 1974, when we created the market for drones, no one else wanted it.” Now the IAI hangars are filled with drones of various shapes and sizes — from the Heron TP with a wingspan the size of a Boeing 737’s to the Bird-Eye 65o, which fits in a soldier’s backpack and can be flown from a laptop or smartphone.

Some stay airborne for as long as 40 hours, at altitudes as high as 40,000 feet, while others are tethered to the ground, plugged into an electrical outlet to hover endlessly above any area Israel wants watched. Flying one is as easy as pointing and clicking a mouse on an electronic map, which sends the drone to the spot and instructs it to circle overhead.

Surveillance drones then watch and track, either during the day or at night with heat-detecting radar, or “paint” targets with a laser for F-16 and Apache missile strikes. Armed drones, which Israel, like the United States, keeps away from public view, are fitted with specialized missiles that can be guided by the drone’s own on-board sensors.

“I can see if your car is hot that you were just driving it, if you are smoking a cigarette,” said Lt. Col. R, commander of the drone squadron that flies over Gaza, who spoke on the condition that his full name not be used.

The officer has moved through different parts of the Israel Defense Forces — infantry, helicopters — but he said the drone program is now a highly sought-after branch. “It is the future,” he said, “there is no doubt about that.”

His drones take off from a runway shared with Apache helicopters at the Palmachim Air Force Base along the coast south of Tel Aviv, a site seemingly more suited to a Mediterranean resort than a military installation. A minutes-long flight takes them over Gaza, where they train, test and carry out a growing list of missions.

“The main idea is you tell me what to look for, and I’ll tell you what I see,” he said. “Because Gaza is a very dense urban environment, with civilians and terrorists mixed together, the only way to differentiate is by looking. And this is up to us to do that.”

Fathers and sons

The farming town of Beit Lahiya is a few miles of rough road north of Gaza City, through the trash-strewn streets of the beach camp, a U.N.-run refugee enclave, where on a blustery recent morning fishermen mended nets along the sidewalk.

A new mosque rises on a spit of land above a storm-tossed Mediterranean Sea, a mix of dark blues and greens. Small boys kicked a soccer ball along the dirt roadside, near the burned remnants of a police post bombed days earlier by Israeli military aircraft in retaliation for late-evening rocket fire. A distant Israeli F-16 rumbled overhead.

Gazans use a quick calculus to assess an attack: A destroyed building, such as the small police post, is the result of an F-16. A strike on a sedan, or a group of men clustered at an intersection, is the work of a drone.

Nabil al-Amassi, a mechanic, watched in the summer of 2006 as Israeli tanks rolled into Beit Lahiya in an operation designed to pressure the Hamas leadership to release Shalit in the days following his capture.

A half-dozen armed men stood at the bottom of his sandy street when, suddenly, the drone buzzing above fired. Three of them were killed, including one whose armless torso was carried by screaming survivors from the scene, observed also by a Washington Post correspondent.

That was the start of Amassi’s close relationship with drones. Nearly every day since then, at least one, and sometimes several, have circled above him.

“It’s continuous, watching us, especially at night,” said Amassi, a father of eight children. “You can’t sleep. You can’t watch television. It frightens the kids. When they hear it, they say, ‘It is going to hit us.’ ”

Among his children is Ahmed, a leery 3-year-old who patrols the street in a tiny track suit on fast-moving legs. When he hears the drone arrive, often in the early evening, Ahmed runs to his father and sits deep in his lap, frightened.

“We try to tell them it’s fireworks,” Amassi said.

Two streets away, not far from a grove of olive trees used in the past by Palestinian gunmen to fire rockets into Israel, Naim Dawoud worries about his 27-year-old son Walid.

Gazan men in their mid-20s face twin perils: They draw attention from Islamist militant groups seeking new recruits and from Israeli drones, whose operators seek out Palestinians who have joined the fight.

Short with a stubbly beard, Walid said that when his car breaks down with a drone overhead he leaves it rather than wait for other young men to gather and help.

“These drones — they don’t always know,” he said. “At night, if I hear one, I’ll cancel my plans to see friends. It’s easy — if one is above me, I won’t go out.”

The school on the hill

The Qasteen School sits on a sandy hilltop, a four-story building surrounding a broad courtyard. Murals of a smiling tooth promote dental hygiene, and in the near distance, the bombed-out Palestinian intelligence headquarters looms as a reminder of the dangers outside the campus walls.

In a second-story classroom, Hamza Abu Sultan, a small seventh-grader in a camouflage coat, raised his hand to describe the class reaction to the buzz.

“We feel tense,” he said. “We start to think about when it will hit. We start to think we are somewhere else — no longer in class.”

Ismail Ramadan, the school’s 40-year-old principal, has brought in psychiatrists several times a week to calm the children and explain that the sound of the drones does not mean war is imminent. International charitable organizations partially fund the effort to ease the children’s anxiety.

“They hear the sound and they hold their breath,” Ramadan said.

The head of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, Eyad Sarraj, said the drones’ noise is something “you can’t escape.” Whether intentional or not, Sarraj said their constant presence induces a sense of helplessness among Gaza’s residents.

“In the back of the minds of everyone here is fear — from the psychiatrist to the student, a sense that something terrible is going to happen,” Sarraj said. “The drones are part of that story. They are part of the conditioning — every time we hear them, we go back to those events of violence and death.”

Entrepreneur’s challenges

Gaza is divided, not only between Fatah and Hamas, the primary political parties in the Palestinian national movement, but between fans of the European soccer giants FC Barcelona and Real Madrid.

living exploiting this split. He works in the Rannoush sports bar in downtown Gaza City, where patrons pack into the low-ceilinged rooms to sip bitter coffee, smoke water pipes and root for their side in the big games.

None is bigger than “El Clasico,” the Barcelona-Real Madrid match that comes along a few times year. He charges an entrance fee for those games, shown on a handful of high-definition televisions smuggled through the tunnels along Gaza’s southern border with the Sinai. With 220 patrons paying $5 each, the occasions yield a small windfall.

But the take from the November 2010 match was wiped out by a drone, whose looping patrol blurred out much of the match. He reimbursed more than $1,000 in cover charges to a roomful of angry patrons, and since then he has added expensive subscriptions to several other satellite signals. That has done little good. But now Mabrouk can change satellites, flip through channels and show his patrons that he has done all he can. “So at least they know it won’t be better anywhere else,” he said.

His customers still make for the doors at the first telltale signs the picture is fraying, as it did during a recent Chelsea and Liverpool match. For reasons that no one can explain, only Russia Today, an English-language channel promoting Russian views, is resilient enough to survive the drone interference.

“The problem is in the sky,” said Nahed Hammad, who sells satellite dishes from his dimly lit storefront a few doors down, “not in the receiver.”

To some, proof of occupation

Hamdi Shaqqura, the human rights advocate, came downstairs one recent morning in his Gaza apartment to find a note from his daughter, Bisanne, a 22-year-old medical student. She had counted four drones overhead, and she advised her father to skip his morning run.

“But I’m all dressed and I think, ‘I can’t not do this, I can’t change because of this,’ ” Shaqqura recalled. So he set off, only to turn back in fear after about 100 yards, as several drones buzzed above.

“So I get back to my door and I say, ‘Come on, Hamdi, this is Gaza,’ ” he scolded himself, and headed back out. He got as far as he had before when he noticed that, as usual, he was dressed in an all-black track suit — the color of choice for many Palestinian militants. Once again, he headed home, shaking his head at the ridiculousness of the back-and-forth. “It affects every aspect of our lives, all day long,” he said.

For Shaqqura, though, the drones mean something else as well. In his view, they are proof that Israel still legally occupies the strip despite having pulled its soldiers and settlers out.

Israel has argued that it no longer occupies the area, meaning that it is not responsible for the health and welfare of its residents under international humanitarian law. But Israel controls the crossings between Gaza and Israel, the waters off its coast, and the airspace where the drones circle.

 

In Gaza, lives shaped by drones

“They hear the sound and they hold their breath,” Ramadan said.

The head of the Gaza Community Mental Health Program, Eyad Sarraj, said the drones’ noise is something “you can’t escape.” Whether intentional or not, Sarraj said their constant presence induces a sense of helplessness among Gaza’s residents.

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“In the back of the minds of everyone here is fear — from the psychiatrist to the student, a sense that something terrible is going to happen,” Sarraj said. “The drones are part of that story. They are part of the conditioning — every time we hear them, we go back to those events of violence and death.”

Entrepreneur’s challenges

Gaza is divided, not only between Fatah and Hamas, the primary political parties in the Palestinian national movement, but between fans of the European soccer giants FC Barcelona and Real Madrid.

Mohammed al-Mabrouk makes a brisk living exploiting this split. He works in the Rannoush sports bar in downtown Gaza City, where patrons pack into the low-ceilinged rooms to sip bitter coffee, smoke water pipes and root for their side in the big games.

None is bigger than “El Clasico,” the Barcelona-Real Madrid match that comes along a few times year. He charges an entrance fee for those games, shown on a handful of high-definition televisions smuggled through the tunnels along Gaza’s southern border with the Sinai. With 220 patrons paying $5 each, the occasions yield a small windfall.

But the take from the November 2010 match was wiped out by a drone, whose looping patrol blurred out much of the match. He reimbursed more than $1,000 in cover charges to a roomful of angry patrons, and since then he has added expensive subscriptions to several other satellite signals. That has done little good. But now Mabrouk can change satellites, flip through channels and show his patrons that he has done all he can. “So at least they know it won’t be better anywhere else,” he said.

His customers still make for the doors at the first telltale signs the picture is fraying, as it did during a recent Chelsea and Liverpool match. For reasons that no one can explain, only Russia Today, an English-language channel promoting Russian views, is resilient enough to survive the drone interference.

“The problem is in the sky,” said Nahed Hammad, who sells satellite dishes from his dimly lit storefront a few doors down, “not in the receiver.”

To some, proof of occupation

Hamdi Shaqqura, the human rights advocate, came downstairs one recent morning in his Gaza apartment to find a note from his daughter, Bisanne, a 22-year-old medical student. She had counted four drones overhead, and she advised her father to skip his morning run.

“But I’m all dressed and I think, ‘I can’t not do this, I can’t change because of this,’ ” Shaqqura recalled. So he set off, only to turn back in fear after about 100 yards, as several drones buzzed above.

“So I get back to my door and I say, ‘Come on, Hamdi, this is Gaza,’ ” he scolded himself, and headed back out. He got as far as he had before when he noticed that, as usual, he was dressed in an all-black track suit — the color of choice for many Palestinian militants. Once again, he headed home, shaking his head at the ridiculousness of the back-and-forth. “It affects every aspect of our lives, all day long,” he said.

For Shaqqura, though, the drones mean something else as well. In his view, they are proof that Israel still legally occupies the strip despite having pulled its soldiers and settlers out.

Israel has argued that it no longer occupies the area, meaning that it is not responsible for the health and welfare of its residents under international humanitarian law. But Israel controls the crossings between Gaza and Israel, the waters off its coast, and the airspace where the drones circle.

“This is the first meaning of the drones,” he said. “Israel’s military may not be on the ground anymore. But they are in the air — looking, always, at every square inch of Gaza. They don’t have to be here in Gaza City to affect every aspect of the lives of Gazans.”

The data collected by the Palestinian Center for Human Rights since the summer of 2006 reflect the up-and-down nature of Israel’s conflict with Gaza. In 2009, the year of the most recent war in Gaza, 315 people were killed in drone strikes, according to the center. The number so far this year is 60.

Abu Ahmed is a nom de guerre, and he operates as much as possible away from the view of Israel’s drones.

His office curtains are drawn on a recent sunny day, his walls decorated with posters celebrating the deaths of Islamic Jihad fighters in combat. A ficus plant adds a bit of life in one corner.

In dealing with Israel’s military, Abu Ahmed abides by a basic rule: The higher-tech Israel goes, the lower-tech go the Islamist movement’s foot soldiers.

“When drones are above us, we must meet face to face,” he said. “We must not drive our own cars or take taxis. So we walk. It is obvious when we are being tracked.”

He lists the different names of Israel’s drones — the Hunter and Heron, among others — and cites their range and maximum altitude. A group within the Islamic Jihad works on collecting such information, although so far that intelligence, along with improved weaponry flowing through Gaza’s southern tunnels, has not bolstered the group’s defense against them.

They have never shot one down.

“We advise the people to think of this voice like the noise of rain, something light and humorous and part of life here,” Abu Ahmed said. “But we don’t have the ability to face these drones. The most important thing we can do is to alert our people that they are in an area and how best to avoid them.’’

He paused, resigned, and added, “We will adapt.”

Staff researcher Julie Tate in Washington contributed to this report.

Jun
25th
Sat
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Trauma film

MedicalAidPalestine

May
14th
Sat
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International Demonstrations in Solidarity with 3rd Palestinian Intifada!

PROTEST IN BOSTON:

https://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=210024405683124

PROTEST IN OTTAWA:

https://www.facebook.com/e
vent.php?eid=1201080314020437

PROTEST IN MONTREAL:

https://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=210007529021118

PROTEST IN WASHINGTON DC:

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=198061640238199

PROTEST IN MIAMI:

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=113229285427304

PROTEST IN NEW YORK CITY:

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=220320077982639

PROTEST IN TORONTO:

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=214269661918943

PROTEST IN LONDON:

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=197040297000383

PROTEST IN JERUSALEM:

http://www.facebook.com/Free.Palestine.March.May15?sk=info

PROTEST IN TURKEY

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=203488316349247

PROTEST IN DENMARK:

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=221525124531256

PROTEST IN MADRID, SPAIN:

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=180589978657757

PROTEST IN PARIS, FRANCE:

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=179953362056178

May
12th
Thu
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Witty tweets from @BoycottAHAVA and the #stolenbeauty campaign for jamming the #AhavaReborn campaign.

Anna_Baltzer - Can #AHAVAReborn heal white phosphorus burns suffered by #Gaza civilians? #IllegalWeaponsofWar #StolenBeauty gu.com/p/24tyj/tw @BirchBox

avinunu - #AHAVAReborn? I’d rather apply coarse sandpaper to my skin then use Apartheid Cosmetics made from stolen resources.

SydWalker - “I am a #Gazan looking to buy cure for white phosphorous burns for my family, any suggestions?” #AhavaReborn RT v @masoud_ahmed #BDS #auspol

Anna_Baltzer - @bethlehemballet I was helping to demolish Palestinian houses today and I chipped a nail! Are there products to strengthen them #AhavaReborn

hdaboub - #AHAVAreborn the world knows you sell ethnic cleansers, but how about new foundation for the ones your government bulldozed? #StolenBeauty

emma_rosenthal - #AHAVAreborn #stolenbeauty do you have something for removing the wrinkles from 63 years of occupation?

emma_rosenthal - #AhavaReborn do you have something for washing the blood out from stolen beauty! bds, now!!!

RepStones - #AHAVAreborn hey I just stole a sod of turf from my neighbours lawn. If i mix it with other crap can I sell it off as my own?

bangpound - .@Birchbox @AHAVA_US what is the best product to make BRUTAL SETTLER COLONIALISM not look so old and dry? #AHAVAreborn #stolenbeauty

bangpound - .@AHAVA_US How do you keep your skin soft during the FORCED EXPULSIONS with all the sun and chlorine from the #stolenbeauty? #AHAVAreborn

clarefarrell - My skin care questions is, do you have a cream to heal the scars caused by a brutal and systemic occupation #StolenBeauty #AhavaReborn #BDS

masoud_ahmed - I am a #Gazan looking to buy cure for white phosphorous burns for my family, any suggestions #AhavaReborn

sexyskincare - #Ahavareborn when learning skin care, did you confuse exfoliation with exploitation? #Stolenbeauty #BDS #Israel … http://bit.ly/i1Auml

hdaboub - @birchbox #AhavaReborn I have not-so-little settlements popping up all over Palestinian land! How to treat? #BDS

bethlehemballet - Hebron settlers have used acid to attack Palestinians. Has #AhavaReborn patented acid-proof mascara yet? There’s a niche in the market.

hdaboub - #AhavaReborn, why not boost your rep by employing some Palestinians? They’d make good suncream testers; they roast at checkpoints for hour

Zzigggyyy - @birchbox & @ahava_us Do you have anything that I can use to cover up the #warcrimes committed by israeli #Apartheid #AHAVAreborn #bds

HelloSaraJo - #Ahavareborn Can your makeup conceal decades of Israeli occupation? #stolenbeauty #BDS

redcathexwas - @lindydnil #AHAVAreborn Hi Melinda. Ahava may not be able to diminish the size of your pores, but they shrink Palestine by stealing land.

georginareeves - @BirchBox ahava: not for the sensitive among you. ethnic cleansing is pretty harsh #palestinian #AHAVAreborn #stolenbeauty #bds

redcathexwas - #AHAVAReborn @birchbox Do you have anything to relieve those nasty breakouts caused by the stress of living life under military occupation?

KABOBfest - Knock knock… who’s there… AHAVA… AHAVA who?… AHAVA military occupation to profit from. #AHAVAreborn #stolenbeauty

eeBecoming - I have a nasty scar from being shot by an Israeli soldier. Any advice on hiding the wounds of Israel’s bloody occupation? #AHAVAreborn

isvestia - @birchbox @AHAVA_US Ahava is not for the sensitive. It contains powerful ethnic cleansing agents that are fatal to Palestinians #Ahavareborn

isvestia - #Ahavareborn In test marketing, Ahava’s fragrance ‘True’ evoked memories of Israel’s ethnic cleansing, land theft,and colonisation, in users

georginareeves - @BirchBox do you have something calming for palestinians while soldiers destroy their homes? #palestinian #AHAVAreborn #stolenbeauty #bds

hdaboub - Any chance of #AhavaReborn launching a perfume range? I want something more delicate than my usual free IDF samples of eau de tear gas. #BDS

trayf - @JPScraps @birchbox #AhavaReborn What is the best way to treat the #Israeli occupation’s kleptomania? #BDS

trayf - @JJLuvzC @birchbox #AhavaReborn, how do I replenish the moisture from stolen Palestinian water? Answer: With #BDS

hakawai - Dear Ahava, Israel’s apartheid system makes my skin crawl! What products do you recommend? #AHAVAreborn #stolenbeauty

Apr
28th
Thu
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Demonstrations in all over the world in front of the Israeli embassies 15-5-2011

الى اصدقاء الحرية والعدالة .الى محبي السلام الى كل اصدقائنا
نرجوا منكم المشاركة في المظاهرات في جميع انحاء العالم امام السفارات الاسرائيلية .للتاكيد على حق الشعب الفلسطيني بالعيش  بحرية كباقي شعوب العالم .واننا في يوم النكبة اذ نؤكد على ان الشعب الفلسطيني يريد السلام ويبحث عن السلام .ولكنه في نفس الوقت يرفض الاستسلام .ونرفض ان نموت بصمت .
اللجان الشعبية فلسطين
To the friends of freedom and justice ,To Peace Lovers , To all our friends.We hope from you to participate in Demonstrations in all over the world in front of the Israeli embassies to affirm the right of the Palestinian people to live freely like other people in the world .
We confirm in Al-NAKBA day that Palestinian people want peace and looking for just peace , But in the same time refuse to give up or to die silently
Palestinians Popular committees

PLZ share and participate

  USA-Boston Israeli Consulate
http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=210024405683124

Germany-
Israelische Botschaft Auguste-Viktoria-Str. 74-76 14193 Berlin
http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=118993821513426

Italy-
Ambasciata d’Israele, via Michele Mercati 12, Roma
http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=178215672227437

Dublin, Ireland
http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=205349512829240

Israeli Embassy, 2 Palace Green, London W8 4QB

http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=197040297000383

USA-Consulate General of Israel, 6380 Wilshire blvd. Suite 1700, Los Angeles CA, 90048 & Consulate General of Israel, 456 Montgomery Street, San Francisco, 94104
http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=140344946036616

Starbucks corner by the Galleria
Post Oak Rd.Houston, TXhttp://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=123540217721453


Israelische Botschaft, Alpenstrasse Alpenstrasse 32Bern (Bern, Switzerland)http://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=168998889823873

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UPDATE: “Stay human” convoy to Gaza - dates, contact, etc


www.vik2gaza.org

CONTACT

Email: vik2gaza@autistici.org
Mobile Italy: 0039.333.3666713
Mobile UK: +44 776 8553 982
Mobile French: +33 6635 92028


DATES:
We aim to be at the Rafah crossing on May 12th. Departure from Gaza is
scheduled for May 16-17. We plan to meet in Cairo on May 11th.
Departure
time from Cairo will be defined in the next few days. We are also
checking the possibility of going to Rafah directly from Sharm el
Sheikh, for those who may prefer that option.


COSTS:
The cost for necessary documents, transport, room and board, to be
assumed
by each participant, is currently estimated at about 250, with the
aim of
reducing this amount going forward. The cost of transport to Cairo
from
your country of residence is not included in this amount.

MISSION

We will enter Gaza on May 15th - one month after Vittorio Arrigoni’s
murder and on Nakba memorial day – by passing through the Rafah
crossing.

WE INTEND TO:
Make clear to all that nothing can stop international solidarity with
the
Palestinian people.
Reinforce and carry on Vittorio’s work, producing independent
information, together with Palestinian men and women, from within
beseiged Gaza
Support Palestinian popular and youth movements resisting Israeli
occupation.
State loud and clear what Vittorio always said – Stay human!


WHO WE ARE

The “Stay Human” convoy was the inevitable reaction by individuals and
groups close to Palestine and its people to the murder of Vittorio
Arrigoni.

Our shared memories of Vittorio, who he was, what he did and what
moved
him to live for years inside the outdoor prison which is the Gaza
Strip,
have transformed our sense of shock into collective determination.

We are going back to Gaza.

We will make the voice of Gaza heard above the stifling military siege
and
deafening international silence.

We will take Vittorio back to Gaza, by carrying forth the ideas which
inspired his everyday actions


PLEASE FORWARD THIS UPDATE WIDELY

DONATE @ http://palsolidarity.org/donate

WEBSITE: http://palsolidarity.org
YOUTUBE: http://youtube.com/user/ISMPalestine
TWITTER: http://twitter.com/ismpalestine
FACEBOOK: http://www.facebook.com/pages/International-Solidarity-Movement/56674479144

Apr
25th
Mon
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ISM appeal for activists in Gaza

The International Solidarity Movement is appealing for activists to
join our team in the besieged Gaza Strip. We are hoping that this
coming month’s Freedom Flotilla along with the Italian Stay Human
convoy will bring an influx of activists into Gaza who will help carry
on the important work that Vittorio Arrigoni was an essential part of
before his death.

After being barred from Gaza in 2003 following the murders of Rachel
Corrie and Tom Hurndall, ISM Gaza was reinstated in August 2008 when
ISM and other volunteers traveled aboard the historic, siege-breaking
voyage of the first FreeGaza Movement boat. ISM has maintained a
constant presence in Gaza since that time, for over two years of
Israel’s crippling siege.

ISM volunteers refused to leave when Israel began bombing Gaza in
December 2009. During the devastating 23-day assault, activists
accompanied ambulances and provided vital testimony to the
international media.

Daily life in Gaza is a harrowing struggle. Israel’s siege has made
rebuilding bombed structures virtually impossible, and thousands of
Gazans continue to live in tents. The siege deeply restricts Gaza’s
food supply, but Israel also prohibits Gazans from producing their own
food. In stark violation of international law, Israel enforces a three-
nautical-mile fishing blockade. The Israeli-imposed ‘buffer zone’
swallows up a third of Gaza’s farmland, which lies along the Israeli
border. Farmers are routinely shot and killed simply for working their
land well inside Gaza’s borders.

ISM Gaza volunteers accompany farmers and demonstrators in the ‘buffer
zone’, as well as working to strengthen the link between Gazan
students and the international Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions
movement. Visit www.palsolidarity.org/main/category/gaza to watch
videos and read reports by ISM Gaza.

As the international community becomes more critical of Israel’s
policies, it is vital to have individuals on the ground that can
attest to the conditions inside the open-air prison of Gaza. Their
voices lend strength to efforts abroad, as BDS campaigns gain momentum
and freedom flotillas become pandemic.

Those interested in joining the ISM Gaza team are required to attend a
preliminary training in their home country and have communicate with
the volunteers in Gaza prior to arrival. Entering Gaza is an arduous
process that requires some time to be spent in Egypt.

Also recommended:
- Previous experience with organizing / activism, preferably in the
Middle-East
- A historical understanding of the Palestine and some knowledge of
the current political situation
- Arabic language skills
- respect for Palestinian traditions and values
- Ability to stay in Gaza for an extended period of time (over a
month)

For more information about where to attend a preliminary training or
other questions, please email gazaism@gmail.com

Stay Human convoy

On the 21st April, a meeting regarding the discussions and
reflections  on the murder of Vittorio Arrigoni was held in Rome
amongst different  activists. From the gathering, the need to organize
a convoy to Gaza  through Egypt was decided.
 Let’s start this process by sharing those points:

 - We want to go to Gaza through Rafah Border Crossing with all in the
world that need to say aloud what Vittorio used to say: Stay  human!
We want to do it from Egypt because, in the post Mubarak era, that
border must be opened to break the siege imposed for too long on the
people in Gaza.
 - We want to be in Gaza on the 15th May which is the 1 month
anniversary of Vittorio’s death. It will be also Nakba day, when
thousands of young Palestinians, as already announced, will go back to
the street all over the world to ask for the end of the occupation and
also, a new unity and the end of the internal division within the
Palestinian authorities.

 We want to go to Gaza for different reasons:
 - Although Vittorio was killed, it has to be clear that they can not
stop the international support for the Palestinian people. Also thanks
to him now the international support is much stronger and united
against the occupation both of Gaza and of the West Bank.
 - We want to give voice and continuity to the work that Vittorio,
together with palestinian men and wemen was bringing forward.
Partucularly the independent information that he managed to pass to
the world from the besieged gaza strip. For this reason, we will bring
materials, tools and all we need to give life to a Media Center
dedicated to Vittorio.
 - The Freedom Flotilla will soon sail towards Gaza. Even though the
two initiatives are organised separately, the two journeys, both via
land and via sea, could reinforce each other to break the siege of
Gaza.

Further info:
 - The convoy will last six/seven days in order to give the
possibility to participate for as many people as possible.
 - It will take place between the 11th and 19th May.The exact dates
will be agreed in few days with the people in Gaza that will host us.
So, lets  start to get ready!
 - I will cost around 450/500 Euros all included. And depending on the
number of participants, it might be cheaper.
 - For any question and to join the caravan please contact us using
this e-mail vik2gaza@autistici.org or this phone number
+39-3333666713.These  contacts will be running from monday 25th of
April.
 - We are opening a website called ‘vik2gaza’ to publicise
information.
 - We will activate a bank account where we will start to collect feas
for accommodation and transport costs and the visas from Egypt.
 - We will need some personal preparation to engage in this trip.

CO.R.UM.- Convoglio Restiamo Umani - Stay Human Convoy


PLEASE FORWARD THIS UPDATE WIDELY

DONATE @ http://palsolidarity.org/donate

WEBSITE: http://palsolidarity.org
YOUTUBE: http://youtube.com/user/ISMPalestine
TWITTER: http://twitter.com/ismpalestine
FACEBOOK: http://www.facebook.com/pages/International-Solidarity-Movement/56674479144

Apr
9th
Sat
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Five Non-Monetary Ways to Support Antiwar.com

by Angela Keaton on Saturday, April 9, 2011 at 11:56am

1. Like these Facebook pages and suggest them to friends:

 Antiwar.com
http://www.facebook.com/pages/Antiwarcom/6319907573

 Antiwar Radio
http://www.facebook.com/antiwarradio2

 Causes: Antiwar.com
http://www.causes.com/causes/58774

 2. Take Antiwar.com materials to your peace events.
E-mail akeaton@antiwar.com or erin@antiwar.com with event details. We can send you bumper stickers, laptop stickers, and sometimes flyers. Also will post your local event in the Facebook feed.

 3. Sign up for our free daily or weekly newsletter.
http://antiwar.com/newsletter/

 4. Follow us on Twitter.

http://twitter.com/antiwar2

 Our Spanish Twiter feed: http://twitter.com/awcesp

 Updates on our iPhone App: http://twitter.com/#!/antiwarcomapp

 5. Download our free Antiwar.com iPhone App:

http://itunes.apple.com/us/app/antiwar-com/id418759533?mt=8